Archduke – so we agree on collection of dues, then, I take it. I think it would strengthen unions if they were to have that extra direct relationship with members, and it would hopefully encourage them to be more responsive to members’ needs as well. The only thing that needs to be managed is ensuring that when it comes to negotiations that both sides know on whose behalf the union is making representation.
The problem is that you no longer have a management looking out for the best interest of the stake holders, i.e. the Taxpayers
I would take issue with this on several levels:
Firstly, I see politicians as more like the board of directors than the management – the managers are the senior employees who run things, the directors set the parameters. It’s perhaps a trivial point, but I feel that the distinction is important to make.
Secondly, “Taxpayers” and “stakeholders” are not synonyms. There are stakeholders who pay little or no tax (children, the poor, the elderly), and there are taxpayers who have little to no stake in some matters, other than that they paid for it (but seeing as ex-pats pay tax, and foreign visitors do, and out-of-state citizens, and the estates of the deceased, their interest is far less than that of others). Similarly, stakeholders are not all voters (many people don’t vote, and some cannot). Again, perhaps you may think it a minor point, but it is a crucial one. It’s not just those who pay for something that have a stake in how it is run.
Thirdly, as Sass points out, the same issue arises whenever anyone makes significant donations. To restrict some and not others would appear to be to be unfair, and I’m sure would run up against the 1st Amendment, if limits on corporate spending did. People and companies (and their employees) who get any public money or state assistance for any reason are similarly potentially compromised. That includes recipients of agricultural subsidies, people in domestic industries which have protectionist tariffs applied to imports, companies that have contracts to supply any public body (from office cleaning to producing military hardware), people on welfare, Medicaid, or a Social Security pension, and (if we interpret it literally) elected and paid politicians themselves. Where do you draw that line? Hey, it’s not just by making contributions to campaigns or by directly putting out a message that they influence the political process, but these people also have votes – should we remove the vote from recipients of public money, lest they be cast for the cause of self-interest?
Perhaps the alternative to setting restrictions would be for opponents to point out this issue and appeal to voters to reject candidates supported by vested interests. Which I believe they do already. Let the voters decide who out of the (two?) candidates is best to make decisions despite/because of the make-up of their special interest backing.
As for why the restrictions placed on the Sons (can I call them that?) can’t be applied to unions, I think you are missing a key difference. The Sons were chartered by Federal statute, under Title 36, some 70 years after they were founded (I looked them up, see). Thus the organisation itself is now restricted by Federal Law and the restrictions are defined by Federal Law. Still, being a member of the Sons clearly does not restrict members from running for office, as I believe you have done so. So I guess you can make contributions as you see fit as well, even by proxy.
However, if people wanted to set up their own version of the Sons, not covered by Congressional charter, then they could set their own rules, couldn’t they? Until 1954 (when the charter was passed) that was the case for the Sons, and it also applied for some time to the Grand Army of the Republic, the organisation for civil war veterans which was the inspiration for the formation of the Sons. The GAR had a strong history of campaigning on political matters after the war, and was closely associated with the Republican Party in the late C19.
So it is with unions, regardless of who they represent. The countries that have or had the equivalent of state-charted unions are not models that the USA usually looks to follow (here’s a clue: many were substantially reformed after 1989, some are currently undergoing popular uprisings), and as I understand it, US unions are not set up that way but are rather voluntary membership organisations that in the early days had to struggle for the legal rights to exist and then to act. Of course, they are
regulated by law, just as companies and other organisations are, and that includes some restrictions. But it should not include blanket restrictions on freedom of expression
Now, I will caveat that by pointing out that here in the UK we do have some restrictions which I don’t object to. Firstly, certain roles in state organisations are defined as ‘politically restricted’ and holders of those roles are bound by their contracts to avoid all political activity. This includes the top levels of management, and they are represented by unions or staff associations that are themselves politically neutral. However, this covers only a small minority of employees in the public sector. Secondly, we have a rule that if you are employed directly by a particular local government, you cannot at the same time be a candidate for elected office within it, but you can on a different local government. Accordingly, people working for the ‘Crown’ cannot stand for Parliament. They can, however, resign and then stand.
On your last point, I know what you are saying, but there are ways to deal with this. Firstly, you ensure that unions are democratic, and so campaigning has to be undertaken with the views of the majority of members who are paying for it borne in mind. Secondly, you can easily (as we do in the UK) have it so that campaigning funds are held separately from general monies and are raised from a distinct and voluntary part of the dues. So, if someone doesn’t want to pay for campaigns they may disagree with, they can opt out (but, of course, that may affect their right to have a say on what the campaigns are). If mandatory dues cannot be used for political purposes, the issue goes away.
Well, first, yes because money is not speech and therefore is not protected from infringment.
Really? I thought a recent decision on corporate donations to political campaigns had blown that out of the water?